Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Kindle Version of "Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong"


Happy New Year to all readers of my blog! I wish you good health, peace and joy in 2015!

I'm pleased to announce that the publisher of the Second English Edition of "Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong" has decided to produce a Kindle Version of the book, which will be made available shortly.

For the Kindly Version status update or purchase order inquiry, kindly contact Simon.Sui@enrichculture.com.

If you are interested in checking out my novel "Fated and Fateless", just click on this link.


Monday, December 22, 2014

Book Review: A Tale of Two Cities




This was my first foray into Charles Dickens' works and I went in with much excitement and perhaps too much by way of expectations. The book took me much longer than expected to finish. Throughout the novel (at least in the first three-quarters), I failed to feel empathy with any of the characters. It was only when I neared the end that I became more absorbed with the plot twists. I would be lying if I said I wasn't deeply moved by the story's ending.

Was it the wordiness of the novel that put me off? Maybe not, because I've read and liked other wordy authors. I think I would blame it on the author's slightly going overboard with sarcasm and sentimentalism in case of this particular novel. As well, his characterization could have gone a little deeper with Sydney Carton. Having said that, I still like his ingenuity in patiently building up suspense to climactic heights near the very end. On balance, I am inclined to give this novel three out of five stars.


Thursday, December 18, 2014

Book Review: Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World




This book gives me a whole new perspective on 13th and 14th century world history. It also helps me understand a little more about the Yuan Dynasty in Chinese history (e.g. I learned that it was probably the outbreak of the bubonic plague that led the Mongolian rulers to become paranoid and begin to alienate and repress the Chinese population whom they believed to have been the source of the horrible pestilence).

I'm really glad that I found this non-fiction title after having read Urgunge Onon's "The Secret History of the Mongols: The Life and Times of Chinggis Khan". The latter is supposedly an English translation from the original text written in Mongolian in the 13th century about Genghis Khan's life by someone close to him, and contains mostly dialogues and descriptive passages. Using that original document as a basis, Weatherford gives a far more coherent and illuminating account of all the life episodes set in historical context, while shedding light on the enormous proximate impact and far-reaching influence that this formidable leader's actions and, to a greater or lesser extent, those of his successors, had on human history.

The simple flowing style of writing makes this book an easy read. It is interesting as it is educational.


Saturday, December 13, 2014

For U.S. Readers, "Fated and Fateless" $0.99 Kindle Sale!





A countdown sale is on from Amazon.com Kindle Store at $0.99 until December 14, 2014 1:00 pm (PST), after which the price will go up to $2.99, again effective for a limited time (53 hours).




This is a novel that paints a culturally vibrant period in colonial Hong Kong. Did you know that in the early to mid-1900s, Hong Kong's Chinese society was very much influenced by the Portuguese, other than the British?

Tony, a leading character in the novel, is a Eurasian from Macau born of a Chinese mother and a Portuguese father, who is the offspring of a well-known historical Macanese figure.

A major character, John Woo the lawyer, is of mixed Chinese and British descent.

Other interesting characters include Jean the French teacher and Jill Simmons, the Eurasian stockbroker, who comes from mixed British, Portuguese and Chinese origin.

Wendy the working girl and Diana the apparent heiress (the two leading female characters), and Edward the doctor (the other leading male character), are Chinese, as are most other major characters (like Mr. Lee the property tycoon and Ms. Yeung the secretary).

Fate throws them onto one another's path and creates distressing chaos in the lives of Wendy and Diana….

Thursday, December 4, 2014

中國人必讀


Link to the Article

撮要:

"............究竟這班年青人為大家爭取民主 - 生而為人最基本的權利和尊嚴 - 在哪一點上冒犯了大家?以致人們對學生的憎恨可達至違反基本人性的程度?學生們,你們不欠香港人甚麼,你們還在替這班人爭取民主,爭取基本尊嚴?你們錯只是錯在是太美麗太善良的青年。"

"代代傳承,這淺薄歹毒的劣根竟深植在我們的土壤裡——即使如我們這片聲稱受西方文明管治逾百年的土地,即使是一個我們一直引以為傲以為是最富國際視野的亞 洲城市。《藥》中百姓痛恨嘲笑為國為民犧牲的夏瑜,是因為看見不見自己同樣身處險地,看不見長遠救國並且自救的方法是要徹底的政制改革,他們嘲罵夏瑜一如 大家今天對阻街「廢青」的指責,而小說中人們對可治病可解華小栓病危之困那血饅頭的迷思,亦一如今天很多香港人仍然膚淺短視地對「經濟增長」「安定繁榮」 所有的眷戀。"

"..........香港人,你們被中國人那自私自利輕薄無知的根牽著了,牽得根深蒂固,動彈不得。魯迅說他決定棄醫從文,是因為他看見紀錄片裡,一個將要被日本人斬首的中國 人,竟被圍觀的中國人恥笑,在那些嘲弄的眼神裡他看見中國人靈魂深處的悲哀,他發現中國人的心比身體病患更重,更需要醫治。........"

" 一場雨傘運動仿如一個放大鏡,讓我們把身邊的人、身處的環境都照得輪廓分明。無疑,我們在這段日子發現了很多美麗的香港人,只是,我們確要認清一個事實, 這些美麗的人們是我們社會裡碩果僅存的一群,而我們社會的真相是——即使沉重也要面對的是——民智未開,人們對身處險境的認知以及道德感召這回事,一如當 年晚清時在華老栓茶館裡吃著茶咬著花生恥笑革命志士的無知淺薄的人民。"

"...........一代總有一代的革命志士,一代總有一代有胸襟有承擔的仁者最後能成就大事——歷史是這樣讓我們走過來,只是我相信,少點責罵多點關愛,我們的社會可走得更快一點更遠一點。而我,只盼望我,從未讀懂魯迅。"


Tuesday, December 2, 2014

An Elucidating Analysis of the Generation Gap

The Umbrella Movement seems to have brought Hong Kong's older and younger generations to an irreconcilable position in terms of values and world views. This article is one of the best that I've read so far that has shed a light on the dichotomy between the two camps of thoughts. (See my translation of the salient passages further down).

Here's the link to the InmediaHK article

Here are the salient passages:-

[那班扮似「理性」「中立」之「沉默大多數」的世界觀,當然包含很多想法與立場,他等亦非人人一樣,但大概而言,總能找到某些共通想法。佔領爆發後,諸君必定聽過有人發表以下論述,均是基於那種世界觀:

一)同學如果真心要建設美好的香港,就讀好書,然後加入政府,在建制內帶來改變;
二)有理想是好事,但做人都要實際,要懂得妥協;
三)香港一直以來都繁榮穩定、自由開放,不要破壞社會和諧;
四)你們還年輕,被政客利用了也不知道;
五)特首很難做,不可能完美的,大家應該要寬容一點;
六)不要出去「搞事」吧,用心一點讀書,關心一下自己的前途;
七)佔領是犯法的,總之犯法就是錯,請不要再錯下去。

然後只要你到佔領區隨意問一位年輕人,對以上論述有何看法,相信其可以毫無困難地逐一反駁:

一)我等真心想香港好,因此希望改變整個政治制度。無在外抗爭而建制自行改革,歷史上從未有之;
二)我等確實有理想,但查實人人皆應有理想。我們不是不顧實際,而是嘗試打破現狀,建立更美好的家園。歷史告訴我們,現實是可以改變的;
三)香港七、八十年代經濟起飛,確實帶來繁榮穩定。但近年制度的漏洞逐漸浮現,貧富差距日益擴大。而北京政府肆意要赤化香港,打壓我們的自由,港府又無視港人的民主訴求,已經到了不得不反抗的地步;
四)我們很清楚自己在做甚麼,如果以為泛民政客可以煽動、利用我們,實在太天真。他們已經過氣了;
五)特首確實難做,但我們爭取的不是換特首,而是換制度。你們對擁有公權力的政府可以很寬容,為何對無權無勢的示威者卻如此嚴苛?
六)抗爭、佔領不是「搞事」,而是爭取公義、改變社會。自己個人的前途固然重要,但香港這個家園的前途更重要。讀聖賢書,所學何事?就是盡義至仁!
七)公民抗命本身就是要認罪的,不違反法治。犯法不一定錯,如果法律阻礙我們尋求公義,就不需守法。即使不談公民抗命,試問歷史上那一場追求民主之群眾運動,乃靠嚴守法律而取得成果?假若東歐群眾均不犯法,可有所謂「蘇東波」?

以上兩大套論述之衝突,就是本人所謂「世界觀」之衝突。當然每項論述均頗為粗疏,難免過分簡化。要深入討論,可逐一研究。然拙文的目的不是要爭論佔 領之對錯,而是展示當今之爭論,不是純粹的口舌之爭,或一般意義上的「政治爭拗」(「政治嘢,各有各講啦!」),而是兩套價值體系的衝突「沉默大多數」 所秉持之信念乃「維持現狀」、「穩定」、「繁榮」;佔領者之旗幟則是「改變」、「自由」、「公義」、「自主」。有人說此乃世代之爭,大概而言也算準確。不 願變者, 不一定就是既得利益者。責罵年輕人、反對佔領者中,也有生活艱難的。不論貧富,那種世界觀就是固定在其心中,牢不可破。此種價值體系,何以建立?所有世界 觀、價值體系,均是知識、所受教育、所接收之訊息,加上個人經歷糅合而成。大家成長經歷不一,很容易煉成相異之世界觀。呂大樂的《四代香港人》大概有類似 論述,雖非嚴謹之作,仍值得一讀。明白了「世界觀」之衝突如何煉成,則不難明白為何佔領發生後,不少父母與子女爭論不休,大家彷彿活在平行時空裡:我看到 警察冤枉記者,你卻看到記者打警察。

「沉默的大多數」不願走出自己心中那安穩的世界(縱使其實那只是殖民地植入的、虛妄的安穩),不願當家作主。現在不是很好嗎,何必自找麻煩?只要有 人照顧餵飼(縱使那是惡徒),大家安安穩穩,那就好了。佔領人士和不少年輕人卻要成長,想要打破框框。成長是很痛苦的,但人必須成長,方能有明天。每當我 等適應了一環境,就不想改變,想留在那裡,直到永遠。但成長就是要跳出那comfort zone,自己前路自己揀,方能走得更遠。現在是年輕人想成長,而以中年人為主的「沉默大多數」卻拒絕成長。]

Brief Translation:-

The two opposing camps of thoughts (or values/world views) are:-

(From the Silent Majority camp):

1) If the students truly want to build a better Hong Kong, they should study hard and then find a government job and bring about changes within the establishment.
2) Having an ideal is a good thing, but one must also be pragmatic and be ready to compromise.
3) Hong Kong has always enjoyed prosperity and stability and is a free and open city; don't destroy the harmony.
4) You students are still young and can easily be misled and used by politicians/demagogues.
5) The Chief Executive's job is not easy - no one is perfect; we have to be more tolerant.
6) Concentrate on your studies and don't go out to stir up trouble; you should care more about your future. 
7) Occupying public space is illegal; an illegal act is wrong, period. Please stop your movement.

If you had a chance to stroll through any of the protest sites, you would most certainly hear these counter-arguments to the above points from any of the youngsters:-

(From the Umbrella Movement camp):

1) It is our cherished wish to make Hong Kong a better place. The only way is to reform the whole political structure. History shows us that the establishment cannot be expected to reform of its own will without being instigated by struggles from the outside.
2) It's true that we do have ideals. Everyone should have ideals. We are not being impractical - we are only striving to change the status quo and build a better home. History tells us that change is possible.
3) Hong Kong did enjoy prosperity and stability when the economy flourished in the 70s and 80s. But in recent years systemic weaknesses have become obvious and the wealth gap has been widening. At the same time the Beijing government intends to mainlandize Hong Kong and suppress our freedoms while the Hong Kong government plays deaf to our democracy demands. We have been forced into a corner where we have no alternative but to resist.
4) We are absolutely clear on what we are doing. If you think that the Pan-Democratic Party politicians are able to influence or use us in any way, you are just being naive. They belong to the past.
5) We know the CE's job is a difficult one. But it's not just about changing the CE - it's about changing the system. Why is it that you can be so tolerant of the government who holds all the power, but you are so harsh towards the protesters who are without power or wealth?
6) A protest or occupying movement is not an attempt to stir up trouble - it is a struggle for social justice and for change. Our own future is certainly important to us, but the future of our home city is even more important. This is what education is all about - we have to be civil humans who care about our community.
7) Civil Disobedience implies that participants are ready to admit their guilt - this does not contradict the spirit of rule of law. Committing an illegal act is not necessarily wrong. If the law impedes a citizen's pursuit of social justice, then he/she does not have to abide by that law. Civil Disobedience apart, is there any democratic movement in history that could have taken place effectively with participants strictly abiding by the law?

In sum, the stance of the "Silent Majority" is about keeping the status quo and letting stability and prosperity rule, while that of the protesters is about pursuit of change, freedom, social justice and autonomy.  All world views and values are formed from education, knowledge, receipt of information, combined with personal life experiences and backgrounds. They thus vary according to a person's growing trajectory.

It seems that the Silent Majority are the ones who refuse to leave their "comfort zone" to seek change and to grow, while the students and protesters are eager to change and grow. Change and growth entails pain, and that's why most people try to avoid it.


Sunday, November 30, 2014

Police Violence Will Not Solve Political Problems

Things had started to take a turn for the worse when Hong Kong Police tried to forcibly clear the Mongkok protest site using excessive violence last week under the guise of helping bailiffs to carry out an injunction order. Clashes had turned into a "gauwu" (a Putonghua term which means shopping) movement (in response to C.Y. Leung's advice for people to go shopping in Mongkok after the roads are cleared), with protesters marching from Mongkok to Tsimshatsui (a high-end shopping district) and police chasing after them throughout the night. Many protesters had been hurt and dozens arrested (including student leader Joshua Wong).

Angered students decided to call for support at the Admiralty protest site on Sunday (November 30) evening. Riot Police rushed to the site in hordes and charged violently into the gathered crowds. As usual, Police were fully armed with pepper spray, metal batons, riot shields and even water canons. Contrary to what Security Chief Lai Tung-kwok said on TV (that protesters were charging Police), students and protesters were unarmed and always on the defense. It was not the first time that Lai has tried to smear the students and protesters.

Why can't the authorities understand that it is coward and irresponsible to use police violence against people whose only aim is to assert their fundamental right to representative government? Repression is never going to solve political problems.






Tuesday, November 18, 2014

HKFS's Open Letter to Chinese Premier Li Keqiang (in Chinese)

時代的選擇,人民的呼聲-致李克強總理書

李克強總理閣下,

你好,我們是一群來自香港的大學生,坐在香港的街道上給你寫這封信。

相信你一定知道,自九月底以來,香港幾個主要街道上坐滿了學生和市民,迄今已有四十多天。但也許你不知道,我們是在爭取自己應有的政治權利,而不是什麼「反對派的密謀」和「境外敵對勢力」指使。我們誠意邀請你來香港,看看街上這些個多月沒有回家的香港人,聽聽我們每個人的真實心聲,便會知道這一切都是為了什麼。如果你不能來,也沒有關係,我們很樂意前往北京和你見面。總理作為中華人民共和國主管香港事務的最高級官員,我們希望你可以直接聆聽數十萬港人心聲,而不是偏聽來自「有關部門」的各種報告,從而做出正確的政治判斷。

這數十萬走上街頭、佔領街道的香港人,訴求簡單而直接:人大應撤回八月三十一日對香港普選問題的決議,重新啟動香港政治改革的討論。原因在於:一、決議代替了香港政府向立法會訂定「如何修改」的內容,逾越了二零零四年人大釋法中,提到當特首提交政改報告給人大審議時,人大只能做出「是否需要修改」的確認。二、該決議漠視了廣大香港市民與青年學生對實現真正普選訴求的堅持。三、該決議打擊了香港年青人對「一國兩制」下能否實現「民主回歸」的信心,動搖了香港與內地良性互動的基礎。

我們這些訴求,是數十萬香港市民基於香港未來福祉的考慮而提出來的。無論是持續多年的爭取普選示威,還是今天的雨傘運動,我們所有的抗爭,都是光明磊落,理性和平,沒有分毫個人私心。現在,讓我們藉此機會,將我們訴求的理據、民主運動發展的歷史,以及市民與香港及北京政府之間的分歧,作扼要的解釋說明。

外人看到的香港,繁華富庶,然而身在其中,我們深知有多少人生活在窘迫之中。若不是躺在了香港的快速行車道上,我們幾乎沒有機會從這個角度,堂堂正正欣賞香港的美麗。道路留給開車的人,步行者只能鑽入地下,或者上到天橋。什麼樣的人可以開車呢?在香港,包括汽油停車費隧道費保險費等等在內,每月養一台車的錢在五千到一萬元。而香港月收入在一萬四千元以下的人口佔到總人口數量的一半,更有過百萬人生活在貧窮線以下。他們不可能開車。不僅不可能開車,以他們的收入結構,不管怎樣努力,一輩子都買不起樓,租不起店鋪,沒有錢創業,沒有錢給子女更好的教育,貧窮代代相傳。我們這一代年青人,從出生開始,最深的感受,就是香港是個不公不義,機會極度不平等,並由極少數權貴把持政治經濟命脈,教人感到絕望的城市。

為什麼香港會走到如此局面?因為香港並沒有良好的管治,沒有良好的經濟發展和社會改革藍圖,無法保障言論自由與司法獨立,建立公平的社會經濟制度,減低貧富懸殊。為什麼良好的管治、發展、改革難以出現?因為香港被卡在政治改革的樽頸上。在不民主的制度下,社會為政商權貴共謀操控,政府漠視民意,無心也無力推行任何合乎公義的改革,民怨愈積愈厚。香港的有識之士,不論建制派還是民主派,早已意識到,沒有民主改革,政治權力的認受性危機將無法化解,政府也將難以有效管治。

這並不是甚麼新見解,過去三十多年,一代又一代爭取民主普選的香港市民,已經把這些道理說了無數遍。早在三十多年前,香港市民已經在爭取民主普選。八十年代初,中英就香港前途問題談判陷入僵局,港元暴跌,市民搶購日用品,人心惶惶。當時,香港中文大學及香港大學兩校學生會鑒於事態嚴重,分別去信當時的國務院總理趙紫陽,要求香港實行「民主回歸」。學生會很快收到趙紫陽總理的回信,並在信中承諾「中國政府在解決香港問題過程中所採取的政策和措施,一定會符合香港同胞的願望和利益」;「將來香港特別行政區實行民主化的政治制度,即你們所說的『民主治港』,是理所當然的。」雖然中英談判之中,北京始終拒絕港人參與,但這份民主承諾,卻是香港人爭取民主的重要依據。

一九八九年五月,一百萬香港人走上街頭,聲援北京學生。我們和北京學生一樣,期待一個更民主更自由的中國。很可惜,天安門廣場的槍聲與坦克,粉碎了無數青年人的夢想,更嚴重打擊了港人對民主回歸的信心。學生們不過是對官倒和貪腐不滿,要求推行政治改革,卻招來國家無情的鎮壓。這一頁血腥歷史,香港人都記在心上,未敢忘記。六四事件之後,正在起草中的《基本法》遭到排山倒海的批評,《明報》創辦人查良鏞和聖公會大主教鄺廣傑退出起草委員會以示抗議,最積極的民主倡導者、香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會創辦人李柱銘和司徒華,則被北京解除了草委會的職務。也正是在六四事件之後,《基本法》起草委員會違逆民意加入《基本法》第二十三條條文,以「國家安全」之名,為限制民主社會應有的言論、新聞、出版、結社以及政治自由做好準備。

正是從那時開始,「高度自治,民主治港」的民間共識進一步鞏固,捍衛自由、爭取民主、落實自治成為了香港人的核心價值。民主制度固然並不完美,但我們之所以堅持一個貨真價實的民主制度,是因為相信它更能反映人民的聲音,使民眾能夠平等地參與政治,保守作為自由而平等的公民尊嚴,一起思考香港未來發展的道路,真正落實自治。

事實上,我們認為,民主不僅是香港的追求,也是當代中國的追求。早在一九四一年,當時作為進步力量的中國共產黨在抨擊當時的國民黨政府時,就說「目前推行民主政治,主要關鍵在於結束一黨治國。此問題一日不解決,則國事勢必包攬於一黨之手;才智之士,無從引進,良好建議,不能實行。」(《解放日報》一九四一年十月廿八日社論);一九四四年,毛澤東本人更說:「只有加上民主,中國才能前進一步。民主必須是各方面的。只有建立在言論出版集會結社的自由與民主選舉政府的基礎上面,才是有力的政治。」(一九四四年六月十二日答中外記者問)。中華人民共和國憲法第二條清楚訂明「中華人民共和國的一切權力屬於人民」。所謂「民主」,其實就是這樣的理念,沒有「西方標準」與「中國模式」之分。香港希望爭取的,是這樣的民主;一九八九年中國學生爭取的,也是這樣的民主。背信棄義,只會盡失民心。

我們之中的很多人都出生在一九八九年之後,成長於主權移交後的新時代。我們看到的,是上一代人白髮蒼蒼了,民主政制改革依然舉步為艱,政商依然勾結合謀,市民生活每下愈況。而步向民主道路上最大的阻礙者,卻偏偏是當初承諾香港有民主的北京政府。

《基本法》中寫明香港的行政長官及立法會「最終實行普選」,二零零七年全國人大在解釋《基本法》時終於開出了具體的時間表:二零一七年香港可以實行行政長官普選。「普選」不是文字遊戲,是真真正正的民主訴求。我們在全社會辦「商討日」,希望普通民眾一起參與討論,我們想要的是什麼樣的民主。這些討論的結果在二零一四年六月以全港電子投票的方式呈現,七十多萬市民支持每個公民都有提名權利的特首選舉方案,希望廢除立法會中的功能組別。然而在香港政府提交給北京政府的報告中,這些意見只是一筆帶過。在中國官方媒體連篇累牘的檄文中,更把這種再基本不過的訴求,說成是分裂的陰謀。最後全香港人竟然要再一次靠電視直播,獲通知強加於身的命運:全國人大常委會副秘書長李飛在八月三十一日宣佈的關於香港普選問題的決議,連落三閘:包括提委會維持一千二百人不變,由四大界別同等比例組成;候選人須得提委會過半數支持才能「出閘」;候選人數目限為二至三人。這是一個以「普選」為名行「欽點」之實的政改方向。對比曾經的民主承諾,以及香港社會的真實訴求,這樣的決議,像是一個荒謬苦澀的笑話。

過去十多年來,香港人為實現民主自治的理想,殫精竭慮,不屈不撓,在建制議會之中努力,做群眾運動,社區動員,無一不是為了呼籲落實民眾的基本權利,督促政府從善如流;很可惜,八月三十一日的決議,令我們徹底失望。今天我們再往前走一步,不惜以公民抗命的代價,站在街頭,承接的是過去三十多年來的歷史記憶,以及對香港問題的深刻憂慮。總理閣下,你如果在現場,就將會明白我們絕對不是任意妄為,為人唆擺。我們不得不這樣,我們只是希望讓最合理的訴求,得到最基本的尊重。因為我們實在沒有別的方法,讓北京政府知道我們這一代人的訴求和決心。

這不是一時之氣。當數以十萬計市民甘願公民抗命,付出法律責任的代價,這樣的決心與能量根本不是民意的數字遊戲可以化解。這個城市的壓迫苦難,不平與怨懟,是主政者必須去面對的,而不是掩耳盜鈴般地歸因於「外部勢力」鎮壓了事。如果不能正視香港人對民主價值的堅定追求,以及背後對長期社會矛盾的積怨,如果不能深入其中去想辦法化解,香港將無法管治。主政者已經失去了兩代香港人的信心,難道還要繼續下去嗎?

三十年前,鄧小平先生提出「一國兩制」的構想,希望透過當年簽署的「中英聯合聲明」得以實現。自一九九七年起,「一國兩制」亦在香港運行了十七年。一直以來,我們都將「一國兩制」理解為擺脫英國殖民統治之後,香港人可以透過民主參與,透過高度自治,可以在殖民主義結束之後,真正做到當家作主。然而在實際上,基於種種原因,殖民地時期權力傾斜於權貴的結構,並未改變。階級對立,社會不公,以及各種新的矛盾接踵而來,導致今天的政治危機。

總理閣下,「一國兩制」實踐進程中的問題,正是歷史擺在我們面前的機遇和挑戰。我們實在感到,香港走到這一步,我們已退無可退,必須努力承擔起時代的責任。香港政務司司長林鄭月娥女士在與學生對話時,曾經明言:「香港問題,未必能做到香港解決」。故此,我們決定親往北京,堂堂正正把港人的民主訴求帶到你面前,向你清楚說明這次民主運動的前因後果,以及「一國兩制」實踐不順的深層次原因。希望你也和我們一樣,面對歷史,正視現實,兌現中英談判時對香港民主的承諾,也兌現中國共產黨建政時對廣大中國人民的民主承諾。

香港專上學生聯會
二零一四年十一月十五日

Monday, November 3, 2014

UNDERSTANDING THE "UMBRELLA GENERATION"

This video clip gives an explicit explanation why there has been a communication gap between Hong Kong's older generations and the so-called "Umbrella Generation". It also explains why the jaded Hong Kong and Beijing officials' out-of-date paternal, overbearing attitude is totally irrelevant and ineffective and serves no purpose. The young generations (post-80s, post-90s and post-00s) are well versed in liberal studies and civic education, and are much more well-informed than the older generations because of the internet and social media. They are self-confident, open-minded, see themselves as equals with superiors, dare to defy authorities, have a good sense of civic duties and rights and are capable of critical thinking. It's unfortunate that they are often misunderstood and frowned upon by the conservative older generations. (The clip is in Cantonese.)




Sunday, November 2, 2014

Sunday, October 26, 2014

Two Excellent Articles & One Moving Video Clip re: Umbrella Movement

Here are links to two elucidating and insightful articles re: Umbrella Movement:-

The Hong Kong Protests Are a Triumph of Order over Chaos

Occupying Identity?

I wish Beijing leaders have a chance to read the above two articles.


The following is a Youtube video clip entitled "Beauty of Hong Kong Protests" created by a 16-year old local resident named Markian, with the song "Imagine" as background music:-



"You may say I'm a dreamer, but I'm not the only one!"

A nation that has lost the power of imagination is a tragic nation indeed! China should be proud of Hong Kong students for their creative thoughts and actions and stop smearing their honest and righteous motives.






Saturday, October 25, 2014

Book Review - "An Officer and a Spy" by Robert Harris




This is one of the best novels I've read this year. Towards the end, I literally had to force myself to slow down so that I could savor the suspense in small doses!

I'm not going to write a long review for this tantalizing historical thriller. Suffice it to say that the novel is based on an ignominious military cover-up and miscarriage of justice in late 19th century France that brought the country to the edge of great internal conflict, almost crashing its judicial system in the process. For his determination to fight the dark forces, Army officer Georges Picquart lost his reputation, his career, his colleagues and his peace of mind, but luckily never his spirit. Venerable French novelist Emile Zola was charged with libel (and might have been murdered) for standing on the side of Picquart and justice.

What makes Picquart's and Zola's feat of taking on the nation's Army a mission impossible can be found in this speech by the French President:

"The army is the nation's heart and soul, the mirror in which France perceives the most ideal image of her self-denial and patriotism; the army holds the first place in the thoughts of the government and in the pride of the country."

It is stated in the Author's Note: "None of the characters in the pages that follow, not even the most minor, is wholly fictional, and almost all of what occurs, at least in some form, actually happened in real life."

Need I say more to persuade you to read the novel, if you haven’t already read it?